Four Western Myths about Belarusian Higher Education
The Minister of Education Syarhei Maskevich announced on 3 May 2013 that “Belarusian universities enjoy a high level of autonomy”. Considering the fact that Belarus remains the only European state outside of Bologna process precisely because of its lack of academic freedoms, top Belarusian officials may not be completely honest.
However, many myths about Belarusian higher education exist in foreigners’ minds as well. For example, the government neither owns all the universities, nor educates people free of charge. Political expulsions happen only very rarely and usually students can travel abroad without any problems.
Myth No 1: Government Provides Free Education for Everybody
Although the methods employed by the Belarusian government in higher education management retains many Soviet traditions, the state approach to financial issues seems more capitalistic than in even some Western countries.
For instance, in Sweden, Germany, Finland and Czech Republic students enjoy free higher education. Only foreigners, students of private universities and, only in certain exceptional cases, nationals have to pay.
The Constitution of Belarus entitles everybody to free higher education on a competitive basis. And around 50% of all the students indeed study for free. But their “day of reckoning” comes later with the mandatory placement for a two-year term at an assigned working place.
In other words, one half of all students have to pay and the other has to work without being paid much for two years. The Belarusian educational system appears to be totally commercialised rather than socially-orientated.
Moreover, the government owns many but not all universities in Belarus. 10 out of 55 Belarusian higher education institutions do not belong to the state.
Myth No 2: All Political Activists Get Automatically Expelled
Authoritarian regimes often resort to expulsion of politically active students from universities. But in Belarus over the last several years these cases have become very rare.
One of the most famous political expulsions took place in 2009. Tatsiana Shaputska, spokesman of unregistered oppositional movement “Young Front”, after a three-day visit to EU-hosted civil society forum in Brussels, was expelled from Belarus State University. Its administration relied on “missing lectures” as an official reason for the expulsion.
Many statutes of Belarusian universities contain special provisions that allow expelling students for “administrative offences”, which may include crossing the road in an unauthorised place or taking a bus ride without a ticket. Insofar as many political activists often face detention for alleged “administrative offences”, it becomes an easy task for university administrations to expel them if necessary.
But even opposition figures show that the number of students expelled for political reasons stably decreases year by year. An NGO “Solidarity” keeps a record of political expulsions.These figures require further explanation. After the first wave of political expulsions in 2006, with the assistance of European officials and several universities from Poland, Estonia, Lithuania and Czech Republic, “Solidarity” launched Kalinouski Programme, the goal of which was to provide free places in European universities for Belarusian students expelled for political reasons.
Many students tried to benefit from this opportunity. Emigrating using Kalinouski programme became a kind of trend those days. Nobody could distinguish between those who were expelled because of political activity from those who were expelled and happened to be politically active or pretended to be an activist.
The failure to make this distinction cast a shadow on the figures provided by “Solidarity”. But their figures now show that universities punish students for politics in exceptional cases, not as a general rule.
Myth No 3: Belarusian Students Live Behind the Iron Curtain
This stereotype, unlike the other ones, has a bit more substance behind it. According to the law, to leave the country during their studies, a student has to get permission from the university administration and the Ministry of Education.
The old Russian saying perfectly describes the situation with such legal provisions: “The severity of our laws is mitigated by their lack of enforcement”. In reality, thousands of students travel abroad annually without asking for any permission. Hundreds of them visit politically-orientated trainings and seminars. The seriousness of consequences very seldom goes beyond an unpleasant conversation with a dean.
Moreover, Belarusian universities cooperate actively with foreign universities. Hundreds of students participate in academic exchange programmes such as Erasmus Mundus or Tempus. Many foreign lecturers work freely in Belarusian universities – for example tutors from German DAAD-programme in Minsk and Hrodna Universities. Many young Belarusians travel for work during summer holidays, particularly to the United States and then return to continue their studies.
Although some formal barriers exist, the “iron curtain” myth sounds like a serious exaggeration.
Myth No 4: Belarusian Higher Education is Based on Propaganda
This myth remains one of the most viable ones precisely because of propagandistic informational coverage of some oppositional and Western media.
In fact the views of lecturers and professors vary just as much as the opinions of the society: some support the ruling regime, some firmly oppose it. In the vast majority of cases the ideological preferences of their teaching and methodology depends on their own beliefs rather than anything else.
At the same time most lecturers prefer to avoid politics in their classes. Even the special course Belarusian Ideology, introduced for brainwashing as many had thought, in reality turned into simple historic overview of political ideologies. The intellectual atmosphere of political indifference and frustration cuts both ways: nobody wants to either criticise the government nor to glorify it.
The author of this article, a full-time law student in Minsk, during his first two years of study witnessed himself that many of the Belarusian State University lecturers openly described the political system in Belarus as an autocracy.
Although Belarus has serious problem with academic freedoms, in practise the situation is better than many people in the West think. With occasional exceptions, university lecturers have freedom to teach what they want and how they want although most of them prefer not to politicise their classes.
As for students, they lack several attributes of free university environment many of them are free to engage in civic or political activities without fear of serious consequences.
The best evidence of this is the author of this article, a full time law student at the Belarusian State University and a regular contributor to Belarus Digest and other independent news outlets.
Belarus Wants New Russian Fighter Jets But Without Russian Pilots
Last week, Russian defence minister Sergei Shoigu discussed with Alexander Lukashenka establishment of a Russian air force base in Belarus.
A few days later, Lukashenka dismissed the claims that Russia will have a military base in Belarus. The news came as media of neighbouring countries continue to discuss the significance of Belarus-Russian military drill West-2013 (Zapad-2013) scheduled for autumn.
Belarusian and Russian officials insist that the West-2013 drill does not threaten anyone, and remind that last year NATO conducted a dozen of drills of different scales in neighbouring countries. Despite various speculations in Belarusian and Western media, little evidence exists to support that is Belarus threatening anyone military, together with Russia or on its own.
Negligible Russian Military Presence
At the moment Russia has two military sites in Belarus. Moscow emphasises that these are not “bases,” just “obyekty,” i.e., sites. In the northwestern town of Vileika since 1964 functions the 43rd Communications Centre of the Russian Navy where reportedly 350 naval commissioned and warrant officers serve. In the southern town of Hantsavichy since 2002 functions an early warning radar of the Russian Aerospace Defence Forces. At this site around 2,000 Russian troops are stationed. The presence of Russian troops in Belarus remains lower than in many other countries of the former Soviet Union, say, in Ukraine, Georgia or Armenia.
Despite loud rhetoric about integration with Russia, Lukashenka so far limited Russian military access to Belarusian territory. Both above mentioned military sites were established by a treaty signed between two states in January 1995 – long before he established his authoritarian rule.
Moreover, the military exercises are also not an invention of his, NATO experts knew, the regular military exercises “Zapad” were held in this region by the Soviet Union since 1973. The only breakthrough Russians had in military integration with Belarus under Lukashenka was delayed by Belarusian leader for many years creation of Single Regional System of Air Defence, which actually Moscow needed more than Minsk.
Against this backdrop, the possible Russian air force base indeed seems like something very new. But the whole talk about it could be more a bargaining chip than a finalised deal. The most important resource of Belarus is its location between Russia and the EU, so contemplating a prospect of establishing more Russia troops in the country the Belarusian leader may collect points in several games, beyond getting more Russian loans or subsidies.
Belarusian S-300 and Polish Patriots
First, avoiding too much Russian military presence is a gesture toward the EU which is not only critical but also dismissive about Lukashenka. Now, he wants to show Brussels how dangerous can be for the Europeans not to take Lukashenka seriously.
Second, both Moscow and Minsk now perceive military balance in the region as worsening for them. The NATO fighter planes are present on duty in Lithuania, Poland since 2006 deployed F-16 fighter jets and since 2010 – Patriot surface-to-air missile systems.
In its military survey, the Russian Nezavisimaya Gazeta recently admitted that Belarusian army formations are in a much better shape than Russian army units deployed in Western Russia. Yet, continues the journalist, “while the Russian army – after adopting two years ago the State Armaments Programme – started to receive the newest equipment, it can hardly be said about the Belarusian military.”
In December Belarus took out of service the last functioning Su-27 fighter jet. Belarusian daily Ezhednevnik wrote that it amounted to a “loss of almost a third of fighter fleet of the Belarusian air force.”
The latest statement of the Belarusian ruler himself also supports it. Dismissing the news of a Russian base Lukashenka said that nevertheless “two dozens of modern jets” lack him “as a supreme commander.” According to the Belarusian leader, he definitely discussed with the the Russian Minster of Defence something different than a military base: “We buy Russian jets Su-27, MiG-29 or more modern, in order to guarantee security of air space borders of our state.”
Moreover, some other details undermine the theory of a possible Russian expansion. The military exercise West-2013 will be smaller in troops numbers, although Belarus is planning to deploy its territorial defence units, yet their military significance is minimal.
Polish criticism of deployment of additional S-300s in Belarus sound rather insincere as Warsaw since 2010 deploys Patriot missiles, an American equivalent of S-300, which according to some analysts Patriot actually may be even superior to its Russian counterpart.
Moreover, Belarus wants to get four S-300 batteries, because it has four batteries of S-200 designed in the 1960s as well as some even older S-125 systems which need to be replaced. Making too much noise about additional S-300 in Belarus makes little sense, as Minsk clearly does not exceeds the reasonable needs of its national security.
Playing Enemies For Lukashenka
Unfortunately, the latest military news from Minsk were accompanied by very unhelpful comments in the neighbouring countries which implied that Belarusian government together with Russia is a source of instability in the region.
Polska daily The Times even speculated that in the autumn military drill Belarus and Russia might even practise preparing for a nuclear strike at Warsaw, referring as argumentation to some aspects of previous West military exercises. The Belarusian obsession was not limited to Poland. This week, the head of the Latvian counterintelligence agency Jānis Kažociņš said, “The military exercises West-2013 are an attempt to cut off the Baltic countries from the EU and NATO help.” He continued to warn of Russian plans to block Baltic Sea with the help of nuclear weapons.
Exactly such rhetoric is very useful for the Belarusian leadership which wants to prove that Belarus is threatened and nothing has changed since times when, say, Poland until 1939 suppressed Western Belarusian population and talked of retaking the Eastern Belarus. Official propaganda in Belarus would be grateful for a chance to discuss troops and missiles with Warsaw, Riga or Vilnius instead of human rights or elections.
These rhetoric from the West also stimulates the Russian leadership to continue supporting the Belarusian regime which in their eyes confronts the West. The image of an anti-Western dictator remains Lukashenka's main selling point for the Russians.
The Belarusian opposition failed to neutralise these odd speculations, yet mostly chose to support them. On the 1 May festivities a group of oppositional activists in Brest came out with a slogan “Today Russian Base = Tomorrow 22 June,” meaning the day of the beginning of the 1941 German invasion. It is hard to find more unsuitable slogan for the Belarusian society deeply traumatised by the World War II.
The Belarusian service of Radio Liberty on 30 April published on its web-page deliberations on new the Russian base with an even more provocative title: “If it Were not for the Germans, we would not have Survived the War [WWII]”
To become more real and less emotional, it is important to understand that stability and security in the region requires respecting security of all states, including Belarusian ones. So far, the Belarusian collaboration with Russia remains limited and reactive rather than proactive. Moreover, since mid-2000s Belarus is increasing its cooperation with the NATO. According to the expert of Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies Dzyanis Melyantsou the cooperation is a long-term and relatively successful which continues without much publicity.
In this context, the rhetoric of military threats should be used by those who like to speculate on it, including Alexander Lukashenka with his pathetic speeches of “the trenches of the Great Patriotic War.” Fortunately enough, this time top officials of the neighbouring countries resist a temptation to lash out at the Belarusian regime for its military policies. Probably for a good reason.