MovaTUT, Social Contracting-Belarus Civil Society Digest
The most popular Belarus web portal TUT.BY launched a new initiative to promote the Belarusian language, MovaTUT. The law 'On alternative Service' adopted at the session in the House of Representatives on first reading
Minsk districts introduce state social contracting. Local authorities will allocate subsidies to CSOs for the provision of social services and social projects. Student Week is taking place on 9-17 November in Minsk.
Civil society activities
First lessons of the Belarusian language club MovaTUT gathered about 100 people. On 12 November the largest Belarus web portal TUT.BY and Belarusian State University launched the free Belarusian language courses. All communication is based on the art – that is, the concept of language learning is based on mastering the vocabulary through discussion of works of art with involving artists, writers, historians and the university teachers. The lessons take place every biweekly and along with Mova ci Kava, Mova Nanova, Movaveda courses confirm the increasing popularity among Belarusians to study the national language.
Global Entrepreneurship Week (GEW) in Belarus. On 17-23 November GEW Belarus activities, coordinated by BELBIZ Centre of Business Communication, take place in all Belarus regions and include International Entrepreneurship Forum, startup competition BEL.BIZ Battle, Mentor of the Year contest, start-up networking events, master-classes, workshops and panel discussions. Belarus has formally joined Global Entrepreneurship Week (GEW) in 2011 and has become one of 137 countries participating in the largest entrepreneurial initiative around the world.
The 'Krai | BY' multimedia project releases the last journey of the second season. The project team went on a virtual tour to city Kletsk with distinctive history. 'Krai | BY' is a series of films where artist Paval Kharlanchuk talks about the Belarusian places that are worth going back again and again. The second season of the multimedia project are made jointly by Skaryna Belarusian Language Society and Budzma! cultural campaign.
Art Siadziba invites to its new venue. The new, the sixth in a row, venue is located in the centre of Minsk on Independence Avenue, will host Belarusian cultural events – concerts, exhibitions, lectures and presentations. Art Siadziba is a cultural site and a non-governmental organisation emerged in late 2011 in Minsk. The CSO was forced to leave five premises, as each time the owners for various reasons cancelled the lease.
Student Week is taking place on 9-17 November in Minsk, aimed at allowing students to express themselves and find opportunities for learning and development. The Week program includes forum-theatre on an actual student topic, a city-game, a living library, a talk show on civic engagement, a photo exhibition, a selfie contest with a teacher, etc. The Week is implemented by a team of active people from youth CSOs – Student Council, the Association of Belarusian students, BASS, Centre for Student initiatives Development, Young Social Democrats and many others.
REFORUM announces a call for experts in voluntary health insurance. Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies (BISS), under the REFORUM project announces a set of national experts to develop proposals for reforms aimed at modernising the Belarus legislation and practises to expand voluntary health insurance of employees. REFORUM supports the European Dialogue on the Modernization (EDM) and aims to develop 16 specific reforms based on the needs of society that will contribute to enhancing its competitiveness.
Appeal to the international community on the support of Elena Tonkacheva. On 12 November the Belarusian National Platform of the EaP Civil Society Forum issued an appeal to the international community on the support of human rights activist Elena Tonkacheva. The appeal regards the decision of the Belarusian authorities concerning Elena Tonkacheva as one more act of repression against civil society actors, which in its meaning continues odious logic of political persecution and the existence of political prisoners in Belarus.
Conferences and roundtables
Conference on theological education to be held in Minsk on 21-22 November. The conference will focus on theological education in Belarus and other countries in the context of the standards of freedom of religion and belief. The organisers of the conference are FORB Initiative, Centre for the Study of Contemporary Religiosity, Ekumena Centre (Belarus), together with the international organisation ‘Lawyers for Europe’ (Bulgaria).
MY World global survey. On 13 November the UN Office in Belarus hosted a round table with civil society organisations representing vulnerable groups of the Belarusian population. UN team presented the MY World global survey, which is used as one of the forms for public consultations in Belarus, and explained how to join the process as a partner. The survey results will be used not only by the UN for post-2015 development agenda, but also by the Belarusian government in the development of the National Strategy for Sustainable Socio-Economic Development till 2030.
Follow up discussion on the results of sector analysis of gender equality. On 20 November the Office for European expertise and Communications (OEEC) invites to discuss additional information, conclusions and recommendations, which appeared on the results of the presentation of sector analysis on gender equality (September 2014). The discussion is open to all comers.
Interaction between state and civil society
In 2015, in Minsk districts will introduce a mechanism of state social contracting. Social contracting allows local authorities to allocate subsidies to CSOs for the provision of social services and social projects. To the moment already 18 Minsk CSOs presented 11 social projects and 45 models of social services. The mechanism was lobbied by coalitions of Belarusian CSOs headed by the ACT NGO and operates since 2012.
The law 'On alternative Service' adopted at the session in the House of Representatives on first reading on 10 November. The drafting and introduction of the law happened because civil society actors made this question a matter of publicity and marked their understanding of this draft law’s significance. The final law though didn’t justify the hopes of the civil society organisations, according to Elena Tonkacheva, the Chair of the Board of the Legal Transformation Centre Lawtrend that has been one of the engines of the process for the past 5 years.
Belarus Digest prepared this overview on the basis of materials provided by Pact. This digest attempts to give a richer picture of the recent political and civil society events in Belarus. It often goes beyond the hot stories already available in English-language media.
Belarus’s Hybrid Linguistic Practice: Language as a Post-Colonial Legacy
Last week MoveHub.com released an infographic showing the second language spoken in countries across the globe. The infographic revealed many surprises, such as that Polish is the second language in the UK and that Turkish is the second language in Germany. There was a curiosity about Belarus, too: Belarusians’ second language is … Belarusian!
The paradox of Belarus’s linguistic identity is that most Belarusians speak Russian on a daily basis. Not unlike other post-Soviet states that broadly use Russian, Belarus has struggled with elaborating an appropriate language policy. What distinguishes Belarus from other nations, however, is that the very nature of its linguistic identity remains contested.
The language issue in contemporary Belarus is extremely politicised. One’s language identification inevitably entails “political classification.” Russian is typically seen as the official language, while Belarusian has become the language of political and cultural opposition. Paradoxically, on both sides “discrimination” arguments are deployed to justify preferred visions of language policies.
President Lukashenka, a populist who seeks to stay in power, demonstrates a high degree of “liberalism” in language matters.
At a 2009 press-conference he said that language “does not follow coercion or dictatorship” and promised to abstain from “forced Belarusisation or Russification.”
Lukashenka justifies the recognition of both Belarusian and Russian as state languages by Belarus’s historical closeness to Russia.
Of course, he forgets to mention that Belarus’s linguistic design resulted from two centuries of Russification – imposed first by the Russian empire and then by the Soviet Union.
On the other side of the barricades stand opposition activists who have advocated national revival since the early 1990s. They conceive of Belarus as a mono-lingual community, not unlike other small East European nations. From this perspective, linguistic Belarusisation is Belarus's ticket to Europe and becoming a Belarussophone means becoming European.
Proponents of the monolinguistic model view the lack of legal support for the Belarusian language in the Russian-dominated environment as discrimination. They argue that having two state languages would have fatal consequences for the country’s geopolitical future.
A Third Way: a Nation in Between
Some Belarusian intellectuals have managed to avoid the polarisation of language and bridge the gap between Belarusianness and bilingualism. They define Belarus as “a nation in between” different civilizational universes and argue that the country's identity entails accommodating other cultures.
This conception “opens up" the Belarusian nation to the speakers of other languages. Moreover, it avoids promoting exclusive “closeness” with Russia, in contrast to Belarus's official ideology. The idea of multilingual Belarus places the big eastern neighbour into the context of multiple others. At the same time, this perspective legitimises the growing number of Russophone Belarusians who support neither integration with Russia nor Lukashenka’s rule.
Surveys suggest that many Belarusians indeed have “open” and inclusive identities. According to a survey on the Belarusian identity and language conducted by the Novak laboratory in 2012, when respondents were allowed to define more than one native language, 52.4% named Belarusian, and 78.7% named Russian. It appears, therefore, that 35% of respondents have not one but two native languages. They view Russian not as an agent of foreign influence, but as a part of their legacy and tradition.
Unfortunately, this multilingual concept offers no solutions for averting the disappearance of the Belarusian language from the country’s public life.
Trasianka: a “Hybrid” Linguistic Practice
Hybrid linguistic identity of Belarusians has found its expression in trasianka, or the mixture of Russian and Belarusian spoken by a growing share of population.
The origin of trasianka goes back to the rapid urbanisation process in Soviet Belarus; this language was often spoken by the first-generation city dwellers. Back then trasianka was “a code of rural migrants,” betraying the lack of a proper culture of speech.
Recent studies, however, suggest that the use and perception of trasianka have gradually changed. In a 2010 study more than 80% of respondents acknowledged having used a mix of languages on occasion. What is more, sometimes trasianka continues to be occasionally spoken in the third generation of urban immigrants, which cannot be explained simply by a lack of knowledge of Russian or Belarusian. Studies also show that roughly two-thirds of Belarusians view trasianka as a “mother tongue” or use it regularly alongside another “mother tongue.”
In other words, the stigmatisation of trasianka has diminished, and Belarusians are now adapting Russian to their linguistic needs. This linguistic practice in the Belarusian society may create the conditions for the development of a new, Belarusian version of Russian.
Language as a Post-Colonial Legacy
The linguistic repertoire of the Belarusian society should be viewed in the post-colonial context, in which the inherent purity and originality of culture is untenable. Against the background of several co-existing concepts of the Belarusian identity, the contemporary linguistic patterns speak to the hybridity of Belarusian culture. They have enabled the majority of Belarusians to avoid alienation and polarisation of language.
Other post-Soviet states have also sought to adjust Russian to their national needs. For example, Ukrainians have attempted to change the use of prepositions in the expression “to Ukraine” (in Russian “v” instead of “na”). Similarly, Kyrgyz intellectuals have spoken up about their right to alter the rules of Russian grammar in order to use the Kyrgyz name of their nation in Russian. Belarus’ attempt to promote the use of “Belarusian” instead of “Belorussian” should also be seen in this context.
Now each of these former “Russian peripheries” can be viewed as a legitimate owner of Russian as part of their own postcolonial legacy. Only Belarus, however, has articulated the claim to Russian in its national language policy.
With its persistent use of Russian as a language of Belarusian nation- and state-building, Belarus is using its right to Russian as its postcolonial legacy.
About the author: Dr. Nelly Bekus, an Associate Research Fellow at the University of Exeter, UK, currently works on the project “1989 after 1989. Rethinking the Fall of State Socialism in Global Perspective.” Her book "A Struggle of Identity. The Official and the alternative Belarusianness” was published by CEU Press in 2010.
This article is adapted from Bekus's academic piece “Hybrid” Linguistic Identity of Post-Soviet Belarus," which originally appeared in the Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe.